The feared elite unit behind Yoweri Museveni’s grip on power

Carrying machine guns and sometimes wearing balaclavas as they drive through Uganda’s streets, members of an elite military unit are increasingly seen as a private army to keep 81-year-old President Yoweri Museveni in power – along with his ever-growing family.

Museveni has been leading Uganda since 1986, when his rebel forces marched to the capital, Kampala. He has since won four elections, all marred by allegations of violence and fraud.

But this is nothing new in the country. Since Uganda gained independence in 1962, power has only been transferred through rebellion or military coups.

Museveni is seeking re-election next year, and the opposition fears the Special Forces command could be used to prevent it from campaigning, as it says will happen in 2021.

But the SPC, which has been under the leadership of Museveni’s son General Muhoozi Kainerugaba for years, has been accused by government critics of kidnapping, torturing and killing opposition activists throughout the year, not just during elections. The SFC denies these allegations.

A military source told the BBC: “It is like a shadow army within the army, answerable only to the president and his son. His rise and influence are arousing resentment among senior generals.”

Complicating matters is the fact that General Kainrugaba, 51, now the army chief and who has said he wants to one day succeed his father, has conscripted his son into the army.

General Kainerugaba also had contempt for some of the long-serving generals, calling one a “clown”.

His comments sent shockwaves through military and political circles, but the government downplayed them as “just a joke on social media” – something General Kainrugaba is known for.

Several years ago He made a joking remark about invading neighboring KenyaWhich angered the generals.

Analysts say the unit has become so influential that it rivals the power of the regular army, which still has commanders who fought in the guerrilla war that brought Museveni and his National Resistance Movement to power.

These observers raised fears that the two would clash one day – as happened in Sudan, where A civil war broke out After a power struggle between the army and a paramilitary group previously allied with it, the Rapid Support Forces.

The unit now known as the SFC was created when Museveni first took office, and has a slogan stating “There is no substitute for loyalty.”

“The SFC is the most powerful unit within the Ugandan Army, comprising [most] “They are highly trained, best-equipped and best-funded officers in the country,” Dr Gerald Barebe, a Ugandan-born academic based at Canada’s York University, told the BBC.

Both the Ugandan Army and the SFC declined to comment when contacted by the BBC.

Museveni has previously defended the SC, saying it was set up for Ugandans. He said that only people who do not wish good for Uganda could be dissatisfied with such power.

But Museveni’s critics see the matter differently, claiming that the president has ruled with an iron fist since he seized power, and that he has turned the country into a fiefdom for his family.

They noted that the President’s wife, Janet, is the Minister of Education and General Kainerugaba is the Army Commander. His grandson’s entry into the army – announced in July – is seen as a continuation of the ruling family line.

General Kainerugaba twice led the SFC and is credited with expanding it into a force of more than 10,000 members. The regular army is believed to have about 40,000 active members.

A former senior military officer told the BBC: “They receive specialized training. They also have advanced weapons, unlike the regular army.”

Although his father promoted him to Commander of the Defense Forces in March last year, General Kainerugaba is said to have maintained effective control over the SCAF, with its current commander, Maj. Gen. David Mugisha, reporting to him.

General Kainerugaba mostly works from the unit’s headquarters – in a building named after his father – in Entebbe, about 34 kilometers (21 miles) south of the capital, Kampala.

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces boasts on its website that it carries out specialized missions “at a moment’s notice,” and is tasked with securing vital facilities such as the main airport and oil fields.

She is widely suspected to have crossed the border into Kenya last November Opposition politician Kizza Besigye arrestedwho was Museveni’s former doctor, and brought him back to Uganda to face trial for treason, which has not yet begun. The Army Prosecutor admitted the involvement of Ugandan security forces.

Analysts like Dr Barib feel that the primary function of the Supreme Council of Power is to “ensure the survival of the regime” by fending off threats – not only from the opposition but also from the army generals.

“It plays a disproportionately central role in suppressing anti-regime mobilization and protecting the ruling National Resistance Movement from internal opposition and external threats,” Dr. Baribé said.

Although the Supreme Council of Power has denied its involvement in a wave of kidnapping and torture of opposition members, some of its officers have been convicted of abusing their power.

The most notable case was that of a 32-year-old special forces soldier, who was court-martialed and sentenced to death last November for shooting three people dead and wounding two others, including a one-year-old child.

In May, the presidency said it was investigating a reported incident in which Special Forces soldiers were accused of torturing a boda boda bike driver – the local name for motorcycle taxis. The rider was rushing to reach his pregnant wife when he was trapped in a presidential convoy.

In the same month, General Kinyrugaba He sparked public outrage after he confirmed the arrest The bodyguard of the opposition leader who has been missing for days.

He said his “boys” were holding Edward Sipofu, alias Eddie Mutui, “in the basement of my house,” and in a social media post he attached a photo of the bodyguard with a shaved head.

General Kainerugaba mocked Sipofu, saying he “looks very smart these days” because “my son” had shaved his beard, referring to a young soldier.

The Uganda Law Society said Mr Sipofu’s ordeal was not an isolated case, but was “part of a systematic campaign to silence dissent and crush the aspirations of people who yearn for freedom”.

She added that the incident highlighted “the dangerous relationship between military force and political repression.”

The murky nature of the unit and its operations has often led to accusations that its existence is illegal.

But in June, Parliament passed a controversial legislative amendment, recognizing the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces as one of four official military services – along with the Ground Forces, Air Force and Reserve Force.

Opposition MPs criticized the move, saying the unit should not be given such legitimacy and should be dissolved instead.

Opposition MP Ibrahim Simojo Nganda said, “The new law gives legitimacy to an entity operating illegally.”

For Dr. Barebe, “the SCC’s rise to power reflects its already dominant position within Uganda’s military power structure and reinforces its role as the cornerstone of regime security.”

This concern was shared by respected Ugandan analyst Godber Tumushabe. He recently warned that despite the country’s apparent stability, “all we have is the absence of war.”

A senior army officer, who preferred to remain anonymous for fear of repercussions, told the BBC that there is growing dissatisfaction within the army regarding the recruitment process in the unit, as it appears to be taking place on ethnic grounds.

Various sources, including those in the military, told the BBC that the SPC was dominated by officers from President Museveni’s Banyankore ethnic group, and related communities, in order to ensure loyalty.

“If you look at all the leaders of the SDF alliance since its inception, they come from Museveni’s ethnic group,” says Nganda, the opposition member of parliament.

Of the six leaders who have held the position since 2007, only one does not hail from the western country, where the Banyankor tribe lives.

Given these competing interests, analysts fear the possibility of a power struggle between rival military factions in the post-Museveni era.

“My biggest fear is that we don’t know what will happen when Museveni leaves and there is opposition within the army,” Nganda said.

Dr. Barib echoed this concern, saying: “The confrontation between the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the regular army – each with its own loyalties, interests and command structures – could lead to significant political instability and even violence, especially in the absence of a clear succession plan.”

But other analysts disagree, saying this is where General Kainerugaba will make his niche given his long career with both the Army and the SFC.

They say he is well placed to bring feuding factions together and ensure the Museveni dynasty continues, ensuring stability in Uganda.

Such an outcome would certainly be considered undemocratic by the opposition.

Robert Kyagulanyi, the former pop star known as Bobi Wine who is running against President Museveni for a second time next year, describes the unit as a “torture squad.”

Earlier this year, General Kainerugaba threatened to behead the opposition leader, but later deleted the “joke” tweet and apologised.

Bobi Wine told the BBC that he and his colleagues were often targeted and beaten by SFC officers, and he wants to disband the squad.

“This is largely seen as the section of the military responsible for the survival of the regime through brutality,” he said. “They operate with impunity and operate under the protection of General Museveni and his son.”