Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki: Three decades, one leader

As soon as it was welcomed as part of a new generation of reformist African leaders, Eritrea, who recently represented 32 years of power, challenged long expectations.

ISAIAS AFWERKI is now spending a lot of his time at his rural residence on the side of the cloudy hill, about 20 km (12 miles) from the capital, Asmara.

With the cabinet not passing since 2018, all energy is flowing through it, and for example, a series of local officials and foreign dignitaries receives its decline.

It is also a magnet for ordinary Eritreans in the hope that ISAIAS will help them with their problems.

The 79 -year -old has not faced his three -contract elections, and there is a minimal sign of change any time soon.

But things seem completely different in the 1990s.

Isaiah was 45 years old when the Eritrean Liberation Front (EPLF) was defeated in 1991. Those who fought in the war every year on the Day of the Martyrs, June 20.

Tall and attractive, inspired hope at home and outside.

In 1993, after official independence, ISAIAS appeared on the international stage as head of state for the first time.

In Cairo, where the continent leaders’ summit attended, the largest generation of African leaders slipped “who wanted to stay in power for decades.”

He pledged that Eritrea will never repeat the same old failed approach and promised a democratic system that would support the social and economic development of its people. His position on him won the laughter on Eritreans and diplomats alike.

When riding euphoria in the early years of independence and enjoying a glowing international reception, ISAIAS sought more closer relationships with the West.

In 1995, after calling the Eritrean leader to the Oval Office, US President Bill Clinton expressed his appreciation for the start of the country’s strong path on the path of democracy.

Eritrea has just started formulating a new constitution that is expected to set the rule of law and a democratic system.

Isaias was supposed to be “transitional president” until a constitutional government was elected. The new constitution was ratified by a founding association in May 1997.

But just as the Eritreans and the world expected national elections in 1998, the war broke out between Eritrea and the neighboring Ethiopia on disputed borders.

Isas was accused of using war as a justification to postpone the elections indefinitely.

He promised a multi -letter democratic system and his intention was tested after a peace agreement was reached in 2000.

Several ministers of the Council of Ministers, including former close friends and comrades in weapons, have started calling for reform.

In an open letter issued in March 2001, a group of senior government officials, who later became a group of 15 years, accused the head of the abuse of his powers and became increasingly tyranny. They called for the implementation of the constitution and national elections.

Starting in the mid -nineties of the last century, the Eritreans taste some freedom, as emerging newspapers carry critical voices – including from within the ruling party, whose name has been changed to the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

The Transitional National Assembly decided when the elections will be held, as an electoral committee was formed and the laws of political parties were proposed to discuss.

The country seemed on a slow path towards democracy.

However, this fragile opening suddenly closed in September 2001, while the world’s attention focuses on the September 11 attacks in the United States.

In one morning, the authorities closed all independent newspapers, which effectively silenced critical sounds. Many editors and journalists have been arrested and have never seen again.

Meanwhile, the government arrested 11 of the 15 Group, including three former ministers abroad, chief of staff of the armed forces and several members of the National Assembly. They were not I saw or heard from since then.

The hopes of many Eritreans were suspended.

But Isaias has already moved away from the introduction of democratic changes.

He said in April 2001: “I had no intention to participate in political parties.”

“I have no intention to participate in a political party now, and I will not have any intention to participate in a future political party.”

He also described the democratic process as “chaos”, saying that PFDJ was “not a party. It is a nation.”

For many, it has become clear that the president will not allow democratic reforms to reside.

He gained the silence of critics and the failure to hold elections, gain it and the position of his country.

However, his supporters say he was unfairly targeted by Western nations and praises him as a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, it was informally dissolving the transitional assembly that was aimed at holding it accountable and in reality he did the same with the Council of Ministers in 2018.

Some elderly ministers who do not have a real authority now lead the weak government agencies, and many ministries – including defense – remain – without ministers.

Many ask why independence champion took such a repressive turn.

Abdula Al -Adim, a former regional governor and a great ambassador, says that Ash’iyas has never believed in democracy and was always obsessed with power. He led EPLF with an iron fist even before independence, according to Mr. Abdula, who is now living in exile in London.

“He systematically weakened and removed the leaders through public legitimacy and the data of adopting the struggle who can challenge its authority.”

For a surprise, in May 2014, ISAIAS announced plans for a new constitution, saying later that the constitution that was believed in 1997 was “dead”. But progress has not been made since then.

The proposal to write a new constitution may be faded by an attempt to coup by senior military officers in 2013.

They led the tanks to the capital and seized the TV stations and the national radio for several hours.

They realized that the attempt failed, attempted to broadcast an invitation to implement the 1997 constitution and the release of political prisoners. But the security forces pulled the ingredients in the middle of the road.

Several officials – including mines, ruler, diplomats and generals were arrested. The leader of the coup was killed himself to avoid detention.

Zeraslassi Shaker, a former diplomat, left his position in Nigeria and asked for asylum in the United Kingdom. His boss, Ambassador Ali Omero, is a veterans in the Independence War, later and still imperceptible.

Mr. Zerraslassi, who is now a PhD candidate at the University of Leeds in the United Kingdom, says that governments that close people “like ISAIAS Afferki do not allow real political and social institutions or the rule of law.”

“The unspecified suspension of the Eritrea constitution and the collapse of government institutions in the president’s office in this context must be understood.”

International isolated, Essas withdrew from the world theater. Stop attending the summits, such as the United Nations General Assembly and African Union meetings.

The country’s economy has struggled, according to the evaluation of the World Bank last year.

The authors said: “The economic activity is restricted to the underdeveloped infrastructure, the limited competition due to the dominance of the state and the strict import controls,” adding that the financial sector remained “weak.”

Esias admitted himself to the problems in an interview with State TV in December last year.

“The subsistence economy will lead us anywhere. At the present time, we are not in a better position than many other African countries in this regard,” he said.

Isaias also rejects humanitarian aid, pointing to fears of dependency that undermines the principle of “self -reliance”.

For many Eritreans, especially young people trapped in the national service of the term, which the authorities justify due to a series of conflicts and tense relations with their neighbors, Daily Life is a nightmare. Under a repressive system, they face in the future with a little hope or freedom.

With disappointment because of the lack of political progress and its exhaustion by forced recruitment and state violence, many risk their lives to escape in search of freedom.

Over the past two decades, hundreds of thousands have fled, and they crossed deserts and seas to find a safe haven. Eritreans are currently the third most common nationality that gives a refugee situation in the United Kingdom.

In his speech on Independence Day last month, ISAIAS did not make any hint of any of the changes that many Eritreans hope to see. There was no mention of a constitution, national elections, or the release of political prisoners.

At the same time, there was no concrete plan to transform the country’s economy.

Despite criticism at home, President Isas maintains support between parts of the population, especially within the networks of the military ruling party and those who view him as a symbol of national independence and resistance against foreign interference.

The president also has strong support among some in the diaspora, who believe that Western powers are conspiring to undermine the heavy independence of Eritrea.

With the growth of frustration in Eritrea, Essas retreated from Asmar in 2014 to his home, which overlooks the Uday Halo Dam, whom he closely supervised.

As Issas approaches 80, many fear what can happen after that.

According to what was reported, a clear attempt was banned to prepare his older son to succeed him at the cabinet meeting in 2018, because when no other meetings were held.

But there is no clear or reliable succession plan in the country that can replace the current system, leaving many to find it difficult to imagine a future without Essas.

“The president’s office is what prevents the country from collapse,” Mr. Zerraslassi warns.

During the Easter this year, Issas was seen kissing a cross during the Church Mass in Asmar. Some believe that he is looking for spiritual redemption, while others hope that he will release political prisoners.

Currently, ISAIAS still dominates firmly, while Eritreans continue to wait long and anxiety for change.