Faure Gnassingbé’s dynastic power play sparks youth anger

A new constitution allowed the head of state to Togo for a long time in Four Ghannasingbi to turn into a new role as a strong prime minister-and escape from restrictions of the boundaries of the presidential term-angered the streets of the capital, Lome. The protests are scheduled to continue on Friday.

At least five demonstrators have died while confronting the official security forces in recent weeks.

But it is not the Orthodox political opposition – which was expected to be crushed in the local elections last week – that mobilized a frustrating, arrogant people.

Instead, musicians, bloggers, and activists who took advantage of the common anger and fatigue with a system that was in power – under the leadership of or before Faure Gnassingbé – his father Gnassingbé éyadéma, nearly six decades ago.

This exceeds even the 92 -year -old Cameroon President Paul Pia – Who has just confirmed his intention to stand for the eighth period in a row In the elections later this year-or the heads of Gabon’s father, Omar Bongo and Ali Bongo, who were removed from a coup in August 2023.

The lessons of that episode of Faure Gnassingbé, a shrewd operator and often secretly moved to a new constitutional structure for Togo, to prolong his power while facilitating his profile, in an attempt to defuse the accusations of the family base.

He will no longer need to stand to be re -elected in his name.

The 59-year-old carries the Premier League because his union party controls the National Assembly-and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future, thanks to the map of a circle to the south.

Gilbert Paura, Minister of Civil Service and Employment in Togo, maintains that the 2024 elections were over the council, where “all actors and major political parties participate.”

“The government cannot bear the responsibility of the opposition’s weakness,” Bouara told BBC Focus last week.

He added that those who have a real reason to show them can do so within the law, and to blame activists abroad for inciting them to “young people to attack the security forces” in an attempt to destabilize the country.

The new constitutional framework was announced in a short notice in early 2024 and was quickly approved by the government -dominated National Assembly. There was no attempt to secure public public approval through the referendum.

One-year transition was concluded that the month of May, when Gnassingbé-who has been head of state since 2005-gave up the presidency and was installed in the prime minister, a publication that was now strengthened to hold all the executive authority and the full authority over the armed forces.

In order to occupy the presidency, a role that has now been converted into a purely festive job, the former business minister, 86 -year -old, chose Jean -Lucian Savy de Top.

This reshaping the status of power abroad was presented by oral systems as moving from a strong presidential system to the supposed democratic “parliament” model – in line with the traditions of the Commonwealth, which Togo joined, such as Gabon, in 2022, to expand its international ties to Fersovon’s traditional association with France, the former ruler.

The transition to the new constitutional arrangements designed to perpetuate the rule of Gnassingbé almost moved without an external commentary from international partners who are currently focusing on Gaza and Ukraine instead of Africa.

There was no complaint from his fellow leaders in the economic community in the West African countries (ECOWAS), even after Togo held new legislative elections a few weeks after the issuance of the new constitution, in a luxurious breach of the regional bloc protocol over good governance and democracy, which he says at least after changing the constitution, any major election must explode.

The decision of three countries managed by the military – Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger – was strongly shaken by the ecowas.

But on the streets of Lumi, it was a different issue.

The rapper and critic in the EssOWE Tchaalla, known as “Aamron”, released a sarcastic video calling for “celebration” Gnassingbé’s birthday June 6.

When he was arbitrarily extracted from his home at the end of May by regime security agents and transferred to an unknown location, anger among urban youth increased.

Hundreds were held in the streets of the capital on June 5 and 6, and the grades were arrested by government forces.

This issue took a particularly evil development with the discovery that Ameron was confined to a mental hospital, a measure that reminds us of the Soviet Union in the 1970s of West Africa in 2025 – and the subsequent version of a hostage video – similar to the statement in which it is in the style in which it is. It was filmed, recognized by psychological problems and apologizing to Faure GnassingbéThe statements that he donated completely after his release without charge.

Meanwhile, in late June, another wave of protests in the streets, as the youth security forces, who set up burning barriers, faced.

Human rights groups have reported widespread random absorption operations, and often from non -recipients through militias supporting the informal government, which are often armed, wandered into the streets in small trucks.

At least five people were killed and two bodies were found in the lake north of the center of Lami, although they had drowned while they flee or were intentional.

But cultural figures such as Ameroun – and the honor of Sitsopé SokPor, the poet whose name is known as “Affectio” and imprisoned him in January – who inspired this last rise in the protests. They are communicating with the popular young opinion in a way that traditional politicians cannot.

In fact, many Togolese audiences appear to have lost confidence in the official political process.

Although the local elections on July 17 have passed calmly, with an integral dominance according to the official results, Jean -Pierre Fabri, a leading opposition figure, said that there were no other voters at the local polling station when he went to the ballot.

Critics believe that the new constitution is nothing more than a device to sustain the rule of the Gnassingbé family – a system that regional media in West Africa described as “republic’s ownership” and “legal authoritarianism”.

A pioneering human rights activist in Togolese says that popular frustration has reached unprecedented levels.

There was previous incubation for the mass protest.

In 2017, the churches supported the marches calling for reform while the new opposition character, TikPi Atchaadam, rally raised the youth across the center that the regime had previously dominated.

In the 2020 presidential elections, the regime was surprised by the strong performance of the opposition competitor, Agbeyomé Kodjo, who was publicly supported by the former bishops of Lomé who is very respected in Philippe Kpodzro. Although both men have died since then, the political movement inspired by the late cleric is still very active and is targeted by the authorities regularly.

Now, again, we see frustration boiling, especially among urban youth.

Thanks to his constitutional renewal to the “Parliamentary” supposed system, Gnassingbé aims to maintain full control, yet his personality is due to the political shooting line.

But this special maneuver appears to be failed to face the challenge of creative leaders of popular culture – bloggers, singers and activists at the base level.

On social media, the #fauremustgo retail brand is now circulated. Recent weeks have witnessed the launch of a new campaign for change, known as the M66, which means the “June 6 Movement” from the date of Gnassingbé’s birthday.

Paul Melly is a consultant for the Africa program in Chatham House in London.